“Despite the military coup, the revolution continues until the fall of the regime”: Translation of Egypt Revolutionary Socialists Statement 14th of June 2012

The original is here .

The ruling of the Constitutional Court came today to announce that the phase of the revolution has been resolved, in favour of the military regime to which the ruling serves as an accomplice, a ruling that dissolves parliament and refuses to apply the Political Exclusion law to the man who was prime minister while the revolutionary youth were being slaughtered in the streets, which , as  with the precedent in Egyptian law of the elections committee formed by the military to supervise the elections, will lend military and judicial backing to the popularly isolated Ahmed Shafiq to implement his promise to his people to impose ‘security’ in 24 months [sic, hours in Shafiq’s original statement] and to execute those who calls ‘thugs’ and to place our labour as a cheap commodity on the global market.

And while the Mubarak regime, represented in the military council, mobilised  all it holds in the way of resources, media, manpower and equipment to face the revolution of 25th January 2011, the political forces were divided over a civil (meaning secular) or Islamic society, the military council reminded them today that Egypt is divided into civil (meaning non-military) and military… And it has affirmed to them that democracy under the protection of the military is a lie and that the supervision of the ruling which the military determined demonstrates its lack of independence.

The political forces insisted on negotiation and agreement and, insatiable for a power that was never in their hands for one day, insisted on limiting the demands of the revolution to ‘democratic’ demands in the shadow of a regime which does not match the conditions of bourgeois democracy – still worse, which carries weapons, and has terrible jails, prisons and instruments of torture. The masses were raising up [demands for] bread, rights in work, a life of dignity and social justice, but these demands were considered factional demands to wait until the stability of the state was achieved – and this means stability of the stock exchange, and investments, and the wheel of production, running over the workers, the poor, the students and the marginalised. They demanded representation of the Copts in the basic constitutional committee, and representation of the church, and a few businessmen…They did not represent the sister of Mina Daniel or any of their revolutionary brothers slaughtered in the military assault of the Maspero massacre. They demanded the representation of women, and they got as representatives seven women with no knowledge of the realities in which the women of the country are living, in poverty, oppression, discrimination, and the violation of the most basic rights, among them the right to bodily safety, inside and outside prisons [ a reference to the “virginty tests”]….They demanded representation of workers and the representation was men of the old regime in the yellow union federation…And they differed and withdrew on the question of representation of parties, of which not one worked to protect the revolution from being stolen or overthrown.

No wonder that  a state of frustration spread amongst the revolutionaries, friends, comrades and colleagues, and disbelief in today’s developments in what appears to be knock-out win for the counter revolution…And this is what is to be expected if we believe or predict that our revolution is brave enough to win democratic rights in the absence of accompanying fierce struggles to achieve social justice,the slogan that was raised, or struggles to achieve this before constitutional, presidential, parliamentary etc demands.

But we still have resources for the victory of our revolution.  Political forces alone, or the brave youth in Tahrir Square…[are not sufficient] For the sole force that is able to bring victory for our revolution, as it did in forcing out the president of the regime, remains the working class, which is absent from the field of battle. It is true that the class is struggling valiantly in its workplaces, against management, and against the ruling capitalists in their companies but it remains far from the squares and each other.And the strikes, and demonstrations and struggles of the class remain unprecedented in their number and spread but lacking a unified, revolutionary labour movement facing the phalanxes of the counter-revolution unified now in its executive, legislative, judicial, penal and murderous bodies. And the revolutionaries of the squares continue to assemble only in short co-ordinated sittings, refusing organisation and politics as if the revolution was not a form of politics…

The bridges are still cut off between the two armies of the revolution…

To build these bridges is our course in the second round of the revolution. The building of a united revolutionary front of all the partisans of the revolution in the workplaces, amongst the peasants, the youth and women, among the working and toiling Egyptians, that is our task today, a task that depends on the struggle in the workplaces and the neighbourhoods and not at the negotiating table.

Our revolution will be victorious, despite the military and their cronies…And the punishment of our martyrs is coming to the murderers.

Glory to the martyrs!

Victory to the revolution!

Power and wealth to the people!


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